Holy Roman Empire

In London, since the news of the outbreak of the Russo-Prussian War, the British government had been bustling with activity.

Prime Minister Benjamin exclaimed, “What? You want to expand the army again?”

Secretary of State for War Fox calmly reminded him, “Prime Minister, it’s been many years since we last expanded the army. Apart from during wartime, the army’s size has not increased for nearly fifty years.”

Benjamin replied with an embarrassed look, “Apologies, I misspoke. Tell me your reasons. Why do you want to expand the army now?”

The British Army's low profile made it almost a habit to assume expansion requests came from the Navy. Receiving an expansion request from the Army caught the Prime Minister off guard, leading to his instinctive use of the word “again.”

Fox had long grown accustomed to this attitude. The Army’s status was so marginal that, outside of times of need, it rarely garnered much attention from the government.

“Now that the Russo-Prussian War has erupted, the European balance of power is about to shift. We need a strong army to respond to emergencies.”

However, Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield Bromley Oxnam opposed the idea, saying, “No, the European situation is still under our control. As long as the Franco-Austrian balance remains intact, there’s no cause for concern.

TN: Raw is 加菲尔德・布罗姆利・安熙龙. I think the author is just taking random names to use as characters (e.g. Dumbledore). If you search the name, it will lead to an American bishop.

Besides, even if the continental balance were disrupted, I doubt that expanding the Army would make much of a difference.”

Though blunt, his words reflected reality. Austria’s standing army numbered 600,000, while France’s regular forces were close to 500,000.

The warring Prussia and Russia had each mobilized armies numbering in the millions, with over 1.2 million troops already deployed on the battlefield between the two sides.

And the size of Britain’s standing army? A mere 136,000!

Of course, that wasn’t the entirety of the British Empire’s armed forces. Across its vast colonies, Britain maintained an additional 500,000 to 600,000 colonial troops, along with several civilian militia groups.

However, the combat effectiveness of the colonial troops was notoriously low. When considering European military affairs, these forces were typically disregarded.

Fox’s expression immediately darkened. This was a blatant provocation. The Army’s recent performance in the last few wars had not been stellar, leaving him without much confidence to argue.

Regardless of the Army’s effectiveness, as Secretary of State for War, it was Fox’s duty to defend its honor. He promptly retorted, “Your Excellency, are you questioning the Army’s combat capabilities?”

It was one thing to privately doubt the Army’s strength, but to declare it so openly was unacceptable. While the British Army might be the “little brother” compared to the Royal Navy, this “little brother” also had a considerable network of supporters.

Offending such a large group over a single remark was clearly unwise.

Realizing his slip of the tongue, Garfield immediately attempted to remedy the situation, “No, I never intended to question the Army’s combat capabilities.

What I meant was that the size of the Army is far too small, making it impossible to compare with the forces of the European powers. Even if our Army is exceptionally skilled, two fists cannot fight four hands.

As an island nation, Britain’s strategic focus must necessarily be on naval power. Under such circumstances, the resources we can allocate to the Army are inherently limited.”

Hearing this explanation, Fox’s expression softened slightly.

“It is precisely because there is such a gap that we must strive to catch up and narrow the difference we have with France and Austria.

The current size of our Army is entirely disproportionate to Britain’s international status. Forget deterring France and Austria, even a third-rate country dares to look down on us.”

Prime Minister Benjamin, having reviewed the document, picked up his pen and circled a figure, interrupting their argument.

“Sir Fox, your expansion plan exceeds what is realistic. History has already proven that Britain lacks the strength to dominate the European continent. Maintaining the balance of power is the best strategy.

To achieve this goal, diplomacy must take center stage. The Army does not need to treat France and Austria as hypothetical enemies. That is beyond what we are capable of handling.”

Fox remained unmoved by this response. It wasn’t the first time an expansion proposal had been rejected. Such scenarios occur almost every year.

The military was never shy about requesting expansion, especially the Army, which often felt like the neglected stepchild. Whether the proposals succeeded or not, they would attempt one every year around budget season.

It was never expected that the Army could achieve all of its goals and just adding one regiment to its structure would already be considered a significant victory.

“Prime Minister, even if we don’t factor in the European situation, we cannot ignore the colonies, can we? In recent years, the pressures on the colonies have been mounting.

Particularly in India, where we are preparing for military campaigns against Afghanistan and Persia. If the Army is not expanded, relying solely on the colonial forces may not be enough to fulfill the government’s plans.”

Benjamin frowned. Austria had extended its influence into the Persian Gulf, and Britain was feeling the pressure.

To counter Austria’s expansion, the British government had formulated the “Persian Strategy,” aiming to occupy Persia before Austria could fully consolidate its hold over the Arabian Peninsula.

As for the “Afghan Strategy,” that was a legacy issue. As a global hegemon, John Bull needed to save face. After the failed invasion of Afghanistan a few years ago, it was essential to reclaim their honor.

With the outbreak of the Russo-Prussian War, the Russian government’s attention was focused on Europe, presenting Britain with a perfect opportunity to act. If they waited for Russia to recover, taking control of the region would not be as straightforward as it was now.

Noticing the Prime Minister’s interest, Navy Minister John Vassall immediately countered, “Given the current size of the Army, it’s true that it cannot handle so many tasks. However, we still have time.

After Austria consolidates its hold over the Arabian Peninsula, their next target will likely be the Ottoman Empire. Until the Ottomans are destroyed, we don’t need to worry about them competing with us for Persia.

The same applies to Afghanistan. The Russo-Prussian War won’t end anytime soon. Only if the Russian government wins the war will we need to worry about this threat.

As it stands now, the chances of Russia easily winning this war are practically zero. After this war, the Russian government will need at least a decade to recover.

That amount of time is more than enough for us to accomplish many things. If the Army is unable to handle these tasks, our Royal Marines can step in instead.”

Suppressing the Army was a core strategy for the Royal Navy, considered just as important, if not more so, than containing Austria and France.

Insufficient manpower? Once a war breaks out, temporary recruitment and expansion can solve the problem so why bother increasing the Army’s standing force now?

From the Navy’s perspective, the Army was unnecessary. Overseas expansion could be handled by the Royal Navy and colonial forces. Meanwhile, maintaining domestic order could be left to the police. So, what was the Army’s purpose?

Even for suppressing rebellions, the Marines could do the job! At worst, they could temporarily expand their forces. There was no need for the Army to get involved.

Of course, this was just speculation. No matter how underappreciated the Army was, the British government would never disband it.

The simplest form of checks and balances was well understood by everyone. Without the Army, wouldn’t the entire country’s military power fall completely into the hands of the Navy?

Benjamin nodded and said, “Let’s put this issue aside for now and revisit it later. If the War Office has any concerns, they can submit them directly to Parliament for discussion.

For now, let’s talk about the Russo-Prussian War. This conflict may seem confined to Eastern Europe, but it’s already impacting the global balance.”

Parliament was the perfect scapegoat. Any issue sent there would take ages to resolve, making it the ideal tool for delaying decisions.

Foreign Secretary Edward spoke up, “The war between Russia and Prussia is arguably the largest-scale conflict in European and even human history.

According to intelligence from our embassies, both Prussia and Russia have mobilized nearly three million troops combined. Before long, both sides might deploy over a million soldiers to engage in brutal combat.

It’s difficult to imagine that this is just Prussia and Russia. If Austria and France mobilized, the scale would be even more terrifying.

The war has only just begun, and no one can predict the outcome. The only certainty is that this war will be extraordinarily bloody, possibly claiming over a million lives.”

As he spoke, Edward appeared visibly shaken. Before the war erupted, no one had anticipated that Prussia and Russia would go to such extremes.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield bluntly remarked, “They’re all lunatics!”

Prime Minister Benjamin waved his hand, pretending to be relaxed as he said, “Whether Prussia and Russia are crazy doesn’t matter. What’s important is the chain reaction this war causes and the benefits we can gain amidst these shifts in international affairs.

As for trade, there’s no need to elaborate. Everyone knows the arms dealers are going to make a fortune. Let’s discuss the changes in the European and the global landscape.”

Foreign Secretary Edward smiled lightly while saying, “It’s not as serious as it seems. Any changes to the European situation, while still uncertain, can be controlled as long as France and Austria aim to maintain stability.

The global impact is even smaller. Although Prussia and Russia are powerful, neither is a colonial empire, and their influence is largely confined to the Eurasian continent.

At most, the Far East might feel some effects. However, the rulers of Serbia are too weak. Even if the Russians are too preoccupied to look east, Serbia is unlikely to act recklessly.

Honestly, we can sit back with coffee and pastries, watch Prussia and Russia tear into each other, and not have to lift a finger!”

Britain had the confidence to remain a bystander. Regardless of the outcome of the Russo-Prussian War, its interests would remain largely unaffected.

Colonial Secretary Robert shook his head and said, “No, we can still take action. While everyone’s attention is fixed on Eastern Europe, the South American conflicts can proceed according to our script.

Before the Russo-Prussian War ends, France and Austria likely won’t have the capacity to interfere with us, which means the Chileans have lucked out this time.”

Neither Prussia nor Russia had particularly strong navies. As a maritime power, Britain could happily profit from the war, but France and Austria, being continental powers, were not so fortunate.

Europe was simply too small to accommodate so many major powers. France and Austria could not allow a new power to rise and encroach on their interests.

Whether it was Austria or France, both needed to keep their focus firmly on the Eastern European battlefield, prepared to intervene in the war at any moment.

To maintain their influence in Europe, France and Austria would have to commit their resources to the continent. In the short term, this meant they had no attention to spare for South America, leaving Bolivia and Peru in a dire situation.

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